How Hutu Power Became Embedded in the Heart of Congolese Politics Premium

Kaumbu Mandungu Bula, one of the Congolese presidency's top advisors, is directly linked to the former Rwandan ruling family in exile. Members of this network move between Europe, Kinshasa, and Kivu, while others hold command positions in the Congolese army. As the conflict between the Kinshasa authorities and a coalition of armed groups against the March 23 Movement in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo drags on for nearly five years, one clan is increasingly and openly advancing its agenda: the Habyarimana family. The former presidential family of Rwanda seems to see the war as a possible way to end its downfall. While his first trip to Kinshasa was discreet in June 2024, Jean-Luc, the youngest son of the Habyarimana family, subsequently visited openly, even allowing himself to be filmed in November 2025. The controversial dismissal of charges against his mother, Agathe Kanziga, on August 20, 2025—she being prosecuted in France for her alleged role in the genocide against the Tutsi—undoubtedly influenced the clan's decision to push Jean-Luc into the limelight. However, this decision has since been overturned by the investigating chamber, which, on May 6, 2026, ordered the reopening of the investigation into Agathe Kanziga, who remains suspected of the most heinous of crimes. The fact remains that the former inner circle of political and business figures who once ruled Rwanda, commonly known as the Akazu ("the small household" in Kinyarwanda), has never lost sight of the region and still cherishes the hope of a return. From this perspective, the conflict currently tearing apart Kivu represents a golden opportunity. The Habyarimana family's network within the pro-government coalition fighting the M23 and Rwanda now extends to the very heart of the Palais de la Nation in Kinshasa. One particular relationship developed in exile between the Habyarimana family and Kaumbu Mandungu Bula, nicknamed "Kao," the son of a former high-ranking Congolese official under Mobutu Sese Seko's regime who was then living in Belgium. He is now a close advisor to the Congolese president. To understand the nature of this relationship, we must go back more than eighteen years. The new generation of the Akazu On December 8, 2008, Jean-Luc Habyarimana, then 34 years old, sent an email to a Belgian contact. Attached to this message, which African Facts was able to read, were the statutes of an international non-profit organization intended to be registered in the Central African Republic. Officially, its purpose was to assist and defend Central African orphans and to combat social exclusion. Its secretary general was a certain Fabien Singaye. Jean-Luc Habyarimana was given the title of "advisor." A few months later, on March 25, 2009, Jean-Luc Habyarimana signed a notarized document, which African Facts was able to consult. The document authorized Fabien Singaye to finalize the registration of the organization in the CAR. The name of Fabien Singaye, 50 years old at the time, has haunted the Rwandan case for many years. Stepson of businessman Félicien Kabuga (suspected of being the main financier of the genocide of the Tutsi, arrested in France in May 2020 and died in May 2026 after being declared unfit to stand trial), this former Rwandan spy in Switzerland first participated in the disinformation campaign of the French investigation into the attack of April 6, 1994 which cost the life of the Rwandan dictator Juvénal Habyarimana before becoming a "special advisor" to the Central African president François Bozizé. The project for a foundation in the Central African Republic had been brewing for several months. Besides Jean-Luc Habyarimana, it also involved his older brothers Léon, 39, and Bernard, 37, as well as their cousins Antoine Mukiza, 35, son of Agathe Kanziga's older brother, Protais Zigiranyirazo (considered the mastermind of the Akazu, who died in exile in Niger on August 3, 2025), and Robert Rugwiro, 31, son of the younger brother of the late Juvénal Habyarimana, Dr. Séraphin Bararengana (sentenced in absentia in Rwanda to 30 years in prison for genocide, in exile in Gabon). In June 2009, Antoine Mukiza and Robert Rugwiro created a non-profit organization in Brussels whose statutes are almost word for word a carbon copy of those of the Central African foundation of which they are also members, alongside the Habyarimana brothers. We wrote to them for more information, but they did not respond to our requests. Offshore assemblies Meanwhile, on November 23, 2007, a company bearing the same name as the Foundation was created in London through another British legal entity owned by three Belgians residing in Antwerp and Malaga, Spain. This entity had itself initially been established through a Seychellois service provider. The London company was dissolved in September 2009 and replaced by another, this time created through a company in Panama. It was quickly dissolved in October 2010. Another company was created in the United Kingdom through the same Panamanian structure on behalf of Fabien Singaye, which was also dissolved the following year. These are unusual arrangements for a charitable project. And for good reason: the objective of these commercial companies is anything but humanitarian. Documents reviewed by African Facts indicate that their sole aim is to generate profits. Furthermore, their owners are known for their use of offshore structures in which nearly identical companies are registered on the same day through other companies or nominees, then dissolved after a very short existence. And certain documents reviewed by African Facts only add to the confusion surrounding the true purpose of the foundation project. For example, on May 20, 2008, Jean-Luc Habyarimana signed a contract with the London-based company for a short-term investment of €125,000. This transaction was not as philanthropic as it appeared, given the enormous returns he expected to earn. In return, the company was to reimburse him €250,000 between December 2008 and December 2009. A considerable profit. The Congolese friend of the Habyarimanas The man behind Jean-Luc Habyarimana's humanitarian project is Kaumbu Mandungu Bula, also known as "Kao." The son of Antoine Mandungu Bula Nyati (a former Congolese minister who died in Benin in 2002), "Kao," 25 years old at the time, was living in exile in Belgium. In November 2007, he drafted the articles of incorporation for a foundation with the same name and objectives, intended to be registered in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo, as a subsidiary of the London-based company created that same month. This was done during the summer of 2008. In addition to the Congolese, Belgian and Central African structures and the London company, another Foundation of the same name – the fifth – was then set up through the Habyarimana clan in Libreville, Gabon, during the year 2009. African Facts obtained the statutes of this structure whose auditor is a member of the Gabonese presidential family of the time. The funds circulating within this enterprise are substantial. Starting in late 2007, "Kao" and the Habyarimana family reportedly received no less than $382,000 (€260,000). The cash sum originated from a Swiss account, which itself had received it from a Panamanian company whose capital is represented by bearer shares (completely anonymous). This company had been established through a Maltese trust company. Later, between 2008 and 2009, Jean-Luc Habyarimana allegedly received €325,000 in cash from London-based companies registered in 2007 and 2009, according to a document consulted by African Facts. African Facts found no evidence of philanthropic or charitable activities carried out by these foundations in the DRC, CAR, or Gabon. Jean-Luc Habyarimana, Léon Habyarimana, Bernard Habyarimana, and Kaumbu Mandungu Bula did not respond to requests for comment. “Mother Agathe” On May 17, 2009, Jean-Luc Habyarimana received an email from Kaumbu Mandungu Bula, alias "Kao." "Hi everyone, I'm getting back to you because I haven't heard from Léon [Habyarimana] since the other day . I suppose he got the money," he wrote in his message, which African Facts was able to consult. " Could you keep me informed, because when Mama Agathe contacts me, she's never aware of what's going on. [...] Communication is very important . " A few hours later, he followed up in another email to a different correspondent. "The other day, I received a call from Mama Agathe and I realized that her sons aren't keeping her informed about the transmissions in a timely manner ," he wrote. The case then involves a transfer of €15,000 intended for "Mama Agathe" via her son Léon. “Mama Agathe” refers, of course, to Agathe Kanziga, the widow of dictator Juvénal Habyarimana, mother of Jean-Luc, Léon, and Bernard Habyarimana, and aunt of Robert Rugwiro and Antoine Mukiza. She is suspected of being the matriarch of the Akazu , which was organized in a concentric circle around her family clan. Agathe Kanziga has been the subject of a judicial investigation in France since 2007, which was interrupted for nine months in 2025-2026, for her alleged role in the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. She has always denied the existence of the Akazu and any personal involvement in the politics or affairs attributed to this group. Pending a possible trial, she is presumed innocent. Nevertheless, in the case of the pseudo-humanitarian foundations established in Africa by the thirty-somethings of the Akazu and the related offshore transactions, the messages and documents consulted by African Facts leave little room for doubt regarding the Habyarimana family's involvement in this enterprise and the profits they expected to reap. African Facts has also gathered a series of additional pieces of evidence that confirm the links between the Habyarimana clan and Kaumbu Mandungu Bula, alias Kao. On May 16, 2012, Fabien Singaye was questioned by an investigating judge as part of the inquiry into the April 6, 1994, assassination attempt against Juvénal Habyarimana. In the transcript, which African Facts was able to consult, he mentions Kaumbu Mandungu Bula, alias Kao, whom he describes as a friend of Jean-Luc Habyarimana. On September 6, 2016, French gendarmes raided the Habyarimana family villa in Courcouronnes (Essonne) as part of the investigation into the former first lady's alleged role in the genocide against the Tutsi. They seized computer equipment, some scattered notes, and a handwritten address book, which African Facts has reviewed. Under the letter F in this address book are three phone numbers belonging to Fabien Singaye, while under the letter K, two Belgian numbers refer to the other protagonist of interest to us, "Kao." The records suggest that the ties between the Habyarimana family and Kaumbu Mandungu Bula were strong enough for the clan to maintain relations with him almost a decade after the creation of the short-lived foundations. However, the Congolese friend of the Habyarimanas has come a long way since that shady affair. And he now holds a key position in Kinshasa. Close advisor to the Congolese president In January 2023, Kaumbu Mandungu Bula was appointed "special advisor" by Congolese President Félix Tshisekedi. "Kao" now belongs to the inner circle surrounding the head of state, a very select group within which he has acquired significant influence over mining contracts, arms purchases, military cooperation, and the use of mercenaries. This is a pivotal position as the war between Kinshasa and the M23 continues in the east of the country. In November 2023, a presidential decree officially recognized a diverse group of armed groups as "reservists." These groups have since been known as Wazalendo ("the patriots" in Swahili). The core of this coalition consists of paramilitary organizations formed by Rwandan genocidaires in exile, responsible for war crimes and crimes against humanity in the DRC, as well as Congolese Hutu militias that serve as their auxiliaries. On April 16, 2024, Kaumbu Mandungu Bula personally participated in a meeting with Wazalendo representatives in Kinshasa, during which he encouraged them to remain mobilized and continue recruiting young Congolese men. He is not the only person close to the Habyarimana family in the upper echelons of the pro-government coalition. African Facts had revealed the direct and long-standing links between the former Rwandan presidential family and General Janvier Mayanga wa Gishuba, the national coordinator in charge of organization and intelligence for the Wazalendo militias, as well as with Aloys Ntiwiragabo, founder of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR, the main Rwandan Hutu armed group in the DRC). More recently, we revisited the case of Thaddée Kwitonda, an emissary of Hutu Power in exile who was in Kinshasa within circles close to the presidency. It seems that this prolonged presence of friends of the Habyarimana family within the presidential entourage and the Congolese military command is having an effect. " Jean-Luc Habyarimana has become a political leader who advocates peace and national reconciliation. [...] We can also have Rwandan friends with whom we can discuss issues of peace and national reconciliation in Rwanda ," declared the Congolese Minister of Information and government spokesperson, Patrick Muyaya, on April 8, 2026, implicitly suggesting the existence of a dialogue with the heir of the clan that plunged the country of hills into absolute horror 32 years ago. The fact is that Kinshasa's options are far more limited than one might think. To free himself from the networks and influence of former president Joseph Kabila within the Congolese state, Félix Tshisekedi had to retreat to a small circle of close associates, whom he had known during his long years of exile in Belgium from 1985 to 2011, and who did not necessarily possess the required skills. He also had to reach out to the network of supporters of the Habyarimana clan, a network he had also frequented in the same diaspora context. He must now contend with these supporters, without whom he would be unable to continue the war in the east of the country—a region over which Kinshasa, in reality, no longer has any control. This invastigation survey was first published by African Facts